What made us modern, and rich, was a change in ideology, or "rhetoric." First in little Holland and then in Britain a new dignity and liberty for the middle class freed innovation. A unique wave of gadgets, and then a tsunami, raised incomes from $3 a day to $30 a day ... more
Existence, arbitrary statistical significance, philosophical possibilities uncalibrated to the sizes of important effects in the world are useless for science. Yet in medical science, in population biology, in much of sociology, political sciences, psychology, and economics, in parts of literary study . . . more
The story of "The Bourgeois Era" (the six-book series of which this is the first volume) is of the rise of a prudential rhetoric in the Netherlands and England in the 17th century, its triumph in the Scottish Enlightenment and American colonial thought in the 18th... more
It's not its abstraction or its mathematics or its statistics or its conservative slant that are the sins of economics. The two real and mortal sins are: (1) Use of mere existence theorems and (2) use of mere "statistical significance" (t tests at the 5% level, for example) to draw ... more
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Selection of the best articles and chapters on historical economics and the rhetoric of economics by Deirdre McCloskey.
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Advice to young economists about maintaining morale and integrity — and getting the science done while retaining one's common sense.
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An account of McCloskey's gender change, 1995-1997.
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Existence theorems and statistical "significance" and an ambition for detailed social engineering are characteristic vices of economists.
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Knowledge is persuasion, that is, knowledge is rhetorical. McCloskey marshals technical epistemology to show that the positivist program in economics lacks foundations and should be abandoned. She answers directly many of the conventionally Methodological critics of her The Rhetoric of Economics.
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Human affairs are deeply unpredictable for one powerful reason: if they were not, fortunes could be made. McCloskey here pursues the logic of rational expectations and modern finance into its wider cultural implications, showing that storytelling is fundamental to economics, but strictly limited by the principle of . . . more
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The "new," "cliometric" history is here surveyed, explained, and defended.
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Economists are poets/ But don't know it. Economic modeling uses metaphors, not as mere ornaments or elucidations but as the meat of the science (just as in physics or history). In her famous book McCloskey illustrates the point with trenchant wit.
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"Be clear." But how exactly? McCloskey, in a widely used textbook concerning writing (of all things) economics reveals the secrets of the trade.
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Still regarded as one of the classic microeconomic texts of the Chicago School (with books by Friedman [pêre et fils], Stigler, and Landsburg), it proved to be "too difficult" for undergraduate use, but has been used freely since then to set problems for serious courses trying to teach the art of economic thinking and to prepare ...more.
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The methods of international and industrial economics are here applied to the British case, the first work of its kind. A pioneering study, twice reprinted.
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The first book in the bringing of "cliometrics" to Britain, and among the first to use the Solow residual (and the price dual) for an industry study, it shows that British businessmen in the iron and steel industry did not "fail" in the late nineteenth century. On the contrary, they continued to lead the world.
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On Bourgeois Dignity (continued from above): What made us modern, and rich, was a change in ideology, or "rhetoric." First in little Holland and then in Britain a new dignity and liberty for the middle class freed innovation. A unique wave of gadgets, and then a tsunami, raised incomes from $3 a day to $30 a day and beyond. In her brilliant, engaging survey of what we thought we knew about the shocking enrichment since 1776, McCloskey shows that the usual materialist explanations don't work---coal, slavery, investment, foreign trade, surplus value, imperialism, division of labor, education, property rights, climate, genetics. Ranging from Adam Smith to the latest theories of economic growth, she details what went wrong with the routine explanations. The most important secular event since the domestication of plants and animals depended on more than routine. It arose from liberties around the North Sea achieved in the civil and anti-imperial wars from 1568 to 1688, and above all from a resulting revaluation of bourgeois life. In recent decades China and then India have revalued their business people, and have thereby given hundreds of millions of people radically fuller lives. The modern world began in northwestern Europe, in the same way: ideas led. Bourgeois Dignity reshapes our thinking about economic history. It will require a reshaping of a good deal of other history as well, turning the story of our times away from the materialism typical of Marxist or economic approaches. It introduces a humanistic science of the economy-"humanomics"-directing attention to meaning without abandoning behavior, using literary sources without ignoring numbers, combining the insights of the human and the mathematical sciences.
On The Cult of Statistical Significance (continued from above): Existence, arbitrary statistical significance, philosophical possibilities uncalibrated to the sizes of important effects in the world are useless for science. Yet in medical science, in population biology, in much of sociology, political sciences, psychology, and economics, in parts of literary study, there reigns the spirit of the Mathematics or Philosophy Departments (appropriate in their own fields of absolutes). The result has been a catastrophe for such sciences, or former sciences. The solution is simple: get back to seeking oomph. It would be wrong, of course, to abandon math or statistics. But they need every time to be put into a context of How Much, as they are in chemistry, in most biology, in history, and in engineering science.
On The Bourgeois Virtues (continued from above): The story of "The Bourgeois Era" (the six-book series under contract to the University of Chicago Press of which this is the first volume) is of the rise of a prudential rhetoric in the Netherlands and England in the 17th century, its triumph in the Scottish Enlightenment and American colonial thought in the 18th century, and its decline after 1848 from, as Shaw once called it, the Great Conversion. An ethics of the virtues, as old as Aristotle and as new as feminist ethics, provides a way out of the growing self-hatred of the bourgeoisie. "Bourgeois virtue" is not a contradiction in terms. Economists are recognizing that virtue underlies a market economy; economic historians have long understood so in the lives of Quakers and the vital few. What the social sciences have not recognized since the 18th century and its notion of doux commerce is that a market economiy can underlie the virtues. Not all virtues. Some virtues — in fact the ones we celebrate in philosophy and myth — are pagan or Christian, aristocratic and plebian. We need new philosophies and myths, new readings of the ancient virtues, to suit a world in which we are all now bourgeois.
On The Secret Sins of Economics (continued from above): It's not its abstraction or its mathematics or its statistics or its conservative slant that are the sins of economics. The two real and mortal sins are: (1) Use of mere existence theorems and (2) use of mere "statistical significance" (t tests at the 5% level, for example) to draw conclusions about the economics world. (1) is especially prevalent in the highest-prestige journals; (2) is rampant everywhere. Neither makes any scientific sense — they are literally nonsense — and both have diverted economics from serious scientific work.
On If You're So Smart ... (continued from above): Human affairs are deeply unpredictable for one powerful reason: if they were not, fortunes could be made. McCloskey here pursues the logic of rational expectations and modern finance into its wider cultural implications, showing that storytelling is fundamental to economics, but strictly limited by the principle of If You're So Smart ... Why Aren't You Rich? The book is the narrative mate to the metaphorical The Rhetoric of Economics. Economists are novelists, as the other book said they are poets. The two logics mutually limit what economics can do by way of social engineering and recommend a more modest and more humanistic science.
On The Applied Theory of Price (continued from above): Still regarded as one of the classic microeconomic texts of the Chicago School (with books by Friedman [pêre et fils], Stigler, and Landsburg), it proved to be "too difficult" for undergraduate use, but has been used freely since then to set problems for serious courses trying to teach the art of economic thinking and to prepare for graduate comprehensive exams. Its difficult is not the formal mathematical difficulty, as in the standard graduate textbooks, but its insistence that the student actually learn to think like an economist.
The bourgeoisie didn't merely rise in numbers, but more importantly in the estimation of their fellows. A "Bourgeois Revaluation" overtook Holland and then Britain from Shakespeare's time to Adam Smith's, which made the modern world.{{The New Applied Theory of Price}} updating of the 1985 The Applied Theory of Price, with graduate students in Economics and Communication at the University of Illinois at Chicago, intended to be submitted for publication late 2012
Language is neglected in economics — for example, in the explanation of the Industrial Revolution. The ideological and conversational shift from 1700 to 1848 is here examined.{{God and the Ordinary Business of Life: Sermons on a Christian Economics.}} Sample chapters available at deirdremccloskey.org.
After 1848 the artists and intellectuals of Europe turned against innovation and the bourgeoisie. Why? Their turn has lasted to the present. Why?[co-edited with Walter Benn Michaels and graduate students in English at the University of Illinois at Chicago] {{{ Reading the Economy: An Anthology of Literary Works in English from Chaucer to Maya Angelou}}}, sketched.
Designed for the bed-table of the bourgeois(e) bleared with trade, and for the growing number of courses in English and Economics nationwide, the anthology selects poetry, short stories, plays, literary essays, and chapters of novels re-presenting the economy: Frost's "Two Tramps at Mudtime," for example, or Gaskell on British industrialization, or Miller's "Death of a Salesman." It teaches economic ways of thinking to literary people and opens the literary world to economists and calculators. 800 pages.{{{co-edited, with Stephen Ziliak, How Big is Big: An Anthology of Reflections on Statistical Significance, 1907 to the Present. Proposal under review the University of Michigan Press.}}}
A brief book, some 150 pages, about the economy in literature and economics in the discourse of literary leftism. It will introduce literary people to a conversation in scientific economics that they stopped attending to in the middle of the 19th century. Topics: "economy" as metaphor in literary studies; the economy as a subject for literary works (e.g. Hard Times; Frost on farming; naturalism, as in Zola and Dreiser); left, right, and middle views on how capitalism functions; what happened in economic history (e.g. trade unions are not responsible for the American standard of living); globalization, postcolonialism, and free-market feminism.{{{The Prudent and Faithful Peasant: An Essay on Pre-Modern History}}}
Using the essays in section 4 above on medieval open fields as a core, showing the workings of prudence modified by other virtues in olden times. It challenges the claim by Marx and Weber that rationality is peculiarly modern and the claim by materialists that religious motives have no grip on the economy. 350 pages in MS.{{{The Success of British Capitalism}}}
Gathering and extending my work early and late, and reviewing the literature since then, against the persistent but strange assertion that Britain has failed economically. 350 pages in MS.